For European responses, however, less than one-third were reported as part of a combined response. Which is the main ethnic group you belong to? The question did not immediately follow the ethnic group question, but followed a series of items related to how participants felt about their nominated ethnic group s. For the youth who recorded at least two ethnic groups, their prioritisation responses are shown in Table 4.
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The key finding is that three-quarters of dual and multi-ethnic youth in the survey were able to self-prioritise a main ethnic group when prompted. In the absence of cognitive testing, the distinction between not knowing and not having is unclear. Whereas the former implies lack of knowledge or indecision, the latter suggests a more conscious rejection of having to choose.
This was considerably lower than shifts in ethnic identification found in U. People who change their identification in different contexts may not necessarily be aware of this, nor respond in such a way when asked about it directly. As expected, very few dual and multi-ethnic youth stated that they belonged to just one group. There is no way of knowing why participants did not respond to the prioritisation prompt.
Ideally it would be useful to know how prioritisation responses varied across specific ethnic group combinations. Given these limitations, Table 5a simply shows the percentage of youth who were able to prioritise for the five largest combinations. However, the small number in four of the combined categories, and the lack of statistical significance, means the results are indicative only.
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Such an interpretation would be misleading. In the first instance, our analysis is based on self-identification rather than ancestry or parental ethnicities. As we noted earlier, these concepts are not synonymous. This research was undertaken with a view to exploring how ethnic self-prioritisation may help us better understand the complexity of multiple-ethnic data and its potential usage as an output method. The key finding was that almost three-quarters of youth who identified with more than one ethnic group in the YC survey were willing and able to choose a main group when asked to do so.
This was in spite of the inclusion of viable alternatives which gave participants every opportunity to opt out of choosing. This would have several implications if used as a method of outputting ethnicity data. As an output method, self-prioritised data would result in the loss of information that may be important in research and policy making.
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There is also the matter of how to allocate those who cannot or will not choose a main ethnic group. In the YC survey about one-fifth of the youth who reported more than one group either did not know, or did not have, a main ethnic group. Not being able to choose is a valid response that would need to be accounted for conceptually and statistically. The potentially significant effects that self-prioritisation would have on ethnic group counts may have political implications. As Kukutai and Didham note elsewhere in this issue, ethnicity and ethnic groups are created and sustained through inter-group processes that, at times, involve competitive struggles for political power and material resources.
However, it is for methodological and substantive rather than political reasons that we do not think it appropriate to use self-prioritisation as a data reduction tool in isolation from other outputting options. Our analysis has focused on the implications of a main ethnicity prompt for outputting purposes, but it also raises the question of how to deal with ethnic complexity at the input stage.
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When filling in paper or computer surveys we do not know what people intend their response to mean. In such cases, self-prioritisation could signal the group with which youth felt a stronger connection or affiliation. In-depth qualitative research would be needed to understand how complex ethnicity is being constructed for adolescents. Although self-prioritisation is unlikely to receive wide support as a method for reducing the complexity of multiple-ethnic data, it could have some important uses for expanding complexity.
Given the empirical relationship that has consistently been demonstrated between ethnicity and socio-economic disadvantage in New Zealand, the information delivered by a main ethnic group question may be valuable for better specifying the association between ethnicity and socio-economic outcomes that a good deal of policy research is concerned with.
The limited scope of this paper means that its chief contribution has been to describe ethnic identification patterns rather than to identify the factors underlying response patterns, or to explain what responses to a main ethnic group question may mean. Fortunately, the inclusion of the main ethnicity prompt in all waves of the YC study, along with a raft of questions relating to different kinds of ethnic attachment, means these questions can be pursued within the period of adolescence.
Future research that attempts to better specify the relationship between ethnic identification, ethnic identity and attachment, and stratification will be valuable for advancing the understanding of ethnic identification dynamics and the purposes for which ethnic data can best be used. Allan, J.
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